Bleeding Edge

Today, my friend and fellow Washingtonian General James Mattis spoke up against the tyrannical tendencies of the Trump administration and he has got to be heard, because amongst many others — his voice greatly enhances the seriousness of the situation where a President wants to militarize the Civil Disobedience that our cities experience due to the racist murder of George Floyd.

Normally a True Leader brings order to the world… but unfortunately our current resident of 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue, in Washington DC, has failed that most important test because he unfortunately stokes division and hate, instead of the peace and reconciliation…

And because the leader’s primary job, and perhaps his only important task is to bring order, safety and justice to the world around us — the invitation of the most blunt instrument of war — the US military, to come combat civilians in the midst of our cities is anathema to United States of America Republic, as well as a terrible affront to our Democracy.

The people cry out for the orderly world which is the people’s realm and is called “Ma’at” – and this is the exclusive purview, purpose and meaning of the Leader.

And since “Ma’at” is the realm of order, both in terms of cosmological order, but also in terms of being the realm of truth and justice — our Leader cannot fail in that respect and still call himself the Leader.

And that state of “Ma’at” is diametrically opposed to “Isfet” which is the realm of Chaos and Evil, and seems to be where our current president “The Donald” seems to live and thrive within…

Thus if the Leader’s job is to ensure that the orderly and hard working people hoping for the state of Ma’at yo prevail, over the realm of Isfet, which is full of evil, and chaos — we shall all be disappointed by the Orange man who seeks to sow discord, hate and division all the way to the New Civil War, that we all seek to prevent.

Yet, many voices like the top of Military brass seek to stop him from his wish to become a Dictator.

Here are the voices of One person who speaks for many within the US military establishment, because we do not yet know precisely why Defense Secretary Mark T. Esper publicly broke with President Trump on Wednesday, renouncing the use of the Insurrection Act as a means to deploy the military against civilian demonstrators, but we can surmise, that the Pentagon brass was finally fed up with Donald’s antics and prevailed upon Secretary Esper to speak out.

The Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff General Mark Milley, who had accompanied Trump on his lang march from his bedroom in the White House and across Lafayette Square to the burned-out church — put out a memo on June 2nd that read like a not-very-subtle rebuke of President Trump’s attempt to use the military to suppress protesters, stating in bullet pointed the following:

1. Every member of the U.S. military swears an oath to support and defend the Constitution and the values embedded within it. … We in uniform — all branches, all components, and all ranks — remain committed to our national values and principles embedded in the Constitution.

2. During this current crisis, the National Guard is operating under the authority of state governors to protect lives and property, preserve peace, and ensure public safety.

3. As members of the Joint Force-comprised of all races, colors, and creeds — you embody the ideals of our Constitution. Please remind all of our troops and leaders that we will uphold the values of our nation, and operate consistent with national laws and our own high standards of conduct at all times.
James N. Miller, a former undersecretary of defense for policy, announced his resignation from the Science Defense Board in the pages of The Post and upbraided Esper:

As a concerned citizen, and as a former senior defense official who cares deeply about the military, I urge you to consider closely both your future actions and your future words. For example, some could interpret literally your suggestion to the nation’s governors Monday that they need to “dominate the battlespace.” I cannot believe that you see the United States as a “battlespace,” or that you believe our citizens must be “dominated.” Such language sends an extremely dangerous signal.

Gen. David Goldfein, the Air Force chief of staff, and Lt. Gen. Jay Silveria, superintendent of the Air Force Academy, also spoke up this week in support of the protests for racial justice, with Silveria directly repudiating use of violence against fellow Americans.

In addition, Air Force Gen. Joseph L. Lengyel, who heads the National Guard Bureau, put out a statement Wednesday entitled “We Must Do Better,” denouncing the racism that has resulted in the deaths of so many unarmed African Americans, urging Americans to listen and learn and reminding us, “Everyone who wears the uniform of our country takes an oath to uphold the Constitution and everything for which it stands.” He declared that if they are to uphold their oath as service personnel and “decent human beings” they must uphold the oath.
But the biggest voice, with the widest reach, to step into the fray did so in one of the most stunning repudiations of a sitting president by a former Cabinet official — let alone a former general.

Former defense secretary Jim Mattis blasted Trump for dividing America and accused him of unconstitutional actions saying this:
“Donald Trump is the first president in my lifetime who does not try to unite the American people — does not even pretend to try. Instead, he tries to divide us. We are witnessing the consequences of three years of this deliberate effort. We are witnessing the consequences of three years without mature leadership. When I joined the military, some 50 years ago, I swore an oath to support and defend the Constitution. Never did I dream that troops taking that same oath would be ordered under any circumstance to violate the Constitutional rights of their fellow citizens — much less to provide a bizarre photo op for the elected commander-in-chief, with military leadership standing alongside.”

Mattis’s unprecedented rebuke raises a number of issues, because he was widely and justifiably criticized for failing to speak out against Trump earlier, and he kept a respectful silence, not even sharing direct observations that might persuade lawmakers and Americans that Trump is unfit for office.

That failure remains, and we do not know whether speaking up earlier would have deterred Trump from further action. Nevertheless, no one should diminish the importance of his action, which may carry sway with other current military officials, Congress and the public. Admittedly, it is rather late that Mattis speaks now, but it better than anything we have heard from any other former administration official.

You could contrast General Mattis’s speaking out action today, with the refusal of former national security adviser John Bolton, who chose to hold back direct knowledge of Trump’s alleged impeachable conduct for the sake of a book deal…

Yet it remains unclear whether General Mattis voice will hold sway with Republicans in the Senate who refuse to break with Trump — or worse, who try, as Sen. Tom Cotton (R-Ark.) shamefully did, to outdo Trump in vowing to use the military against civilians. And because most of them tied themselves to Trump’s chariot — they are all now willing to go down with the him — and take the Republic down alongside of them.

Methinks that these senior lawmakers are political cowards and are far more likely to rationalize General Mattis’s statement as “sour grapes” rather than take the Old Man’s warnings to heart.

Additionally, the throng of Republican political followers are similarly unlikely to have a political epiphany, and so together with the extraordinary written statement from former president George W. Bush, one wonders whether we are on the verge of a sort of popular-front moment when a significant faction of the right joins the demonstrators and the opposition in order to defeat an authoritarian incumbent leader, before the country descends into the Civil War.

Now, one wonders — if Esper, Mattis and Bush can call out Trump’s egregious, unconstitutional and anti-American conduct — couldn’t they endorse an Independent as a best chance for the nation to bring about Reconciliation and avoid Civil War?

Of course, Donald Trump may either retreat from a direct clash with the military, just as he retreated to the White House bunker when the protests heated up, or he may insist on using the military against peacefully demonstrating American Citizens.

Who knows?

But we cannot throw out the baby with the bathwater, and Civil Wart has got to be avoided at any cost.

Because we are living during a unique & precarious time of American history, whhe American people will need to rely on the decency and patriotism of those who have sworn an oath to defend and protect the Constitution, and so it is high time for choosing for military officials, for politicians, for law enforcement and, most of all, for all Americans of goodwill…

And it is not a time for division hate and civil war, nor is it a time for failed experiments with Socialism, Communism and the like because fifty-seven percent of American voters have a rather positive opinion of capitalism and we must maintain it best we can…

That’s more than twice the number who feel the same about socialism, since Socialism tips the scales at only 25% of the population favoring some form of benign democratic socialism…

How about that?

And, if you ask me, the actual figure is probably even higher because most people, especially millennials, can’t even define socialism.

So what’s causing this surprisingly large disdain for socialism?

I have a few ideas… such as the fact that Americans really enjoy eating food and not going hungry, and mu8ch like most all of you, they prefer three square meals a day, and not Venezuelan rotten meat, so that’s a major issue for us…

And as much as we hear about our nation’s obesity crisis, it’s a problem that our friends in the breadlines of Venezuela would kill to experience.

Because no famine has ever taken place in a democracy, they’re the rule rather than the exception in all socialist countries. In just the 20th century alone, six of the ten worst famines were in socialist countries, as were seven of the top fifteen. I guess they all weren’t “real” socialism?

Capitalism does a far better job at producing, managing, maintaining and even fairly equitably distributing foodstuffs, to all the people — than it has ever been possible within socialist countries themselves. Take the Soviet Union and an example of a Federation of Socialist & Communists States, that collectively and individually — all together went from being solid exporters of foodstuffs to becoming beggars, famished and famined net importers of food, after going socialist, and eventually had to resort to opening up private agricultural practices to the farmers and to turning the kolkhoz (collective farming) to private hands, just to get some food into the mouths of the people.

And while private agriculture never composed more than 4 percent of the land mass of all Soviet agriculture — it yielded a third of the nation’s total produce, and allowed people to have some staple dietary products.

So, you can’t exactly blame Americans because they don’t want to be all equally poor, starving and tyrannized…

And while in times of trouble, it’s easy to find polls showing that the average American would prefer lower levels of economic inequality — the average American will also draw the line for Capitalism, far before we’re all equally poor, equally starved, and equally tortured or maligned.

And if you care to ask any economist — Yo shall be informed that ironically, socialist countries do tend to have immediate short term decreases in poverty before collapsing.

As an example take Hugo Chavez, who when he came to power, the Venezuelan poverty rate was cut in half from 54% to 27.5% between 2004-2007, to the abundant cheers of socialist synmpathizers worldwide.

And then Chavez ran out of other people’s money — and by 2014 the poverty rate had nearly caught up to where it was in 2004, and in 2018 the poverty rate skyrocketed upwards of 90%.

And then somehow, Venezuela became “not real socialism” to the worldwide rich socialist sympathizers, rich academics and monkey-see-monkey-do slackers all around.

Yet for those in the know — while capitalist countries have more inequality – they also have more wealth overall.

The Frasier Institute’s annual studies one economic freedom routinely finds that the poorest people in the world’s most free economies are wealthier than the richest people in the least free economies.

Another aspect of Capitalism that rocks the boat of all Americans including the unsatisfied “beaches” is Freedom Religion and Freedom of speech, because these things matter hugely to Americans.

Maybe, because living under the threat of torture every day, fearful of criticizing the wrong person, afraid of the snitches and the “beaches” all around, fearful of rubbing off the wrong way the local Apparatchick, or the wrong institutions, or the very systems under which we live — would be rather difficult if not downright impossible for a Freedom loving American citizen.

Same as it is for you now that in a capitalist country you have the ability to answer a question about preferring capitalism vs. socialism, and to speak your mind truthfully — whereas you cold never do that in North Korea or China today.

And something tells me that a similar questioning collective poll, would generate 110 percent support for socialism in a socialist country.

It’s ironic that socialism and similar left-wing ideas appeal to people who fashion themselves as “anti-establishment,” when you can’t have socialism without political repression.

Any college student who disagrees may want to speak with one of the tens of millions of people who have wound up in a gulag, but if its a “hike” to find one of them — I suggest that they start by reading my old friend’s book Archipelago Gulag.

That’s a book written on scraps of old newspaper that was used in the Soviet gulags for toilet paper, and that is where Alexander Solzenicyn spent a most important part of his life in a hard labor prison camp for political dissenters and ideologues who did not exactly agree with the Soviet ideology of benign Socialism.

Eight years in the Siberian gulags of the Soviet Union effectively destroyed his health, but gave him a truly inspiring story that he shared with the world at large.

Yours,
Dr Churchill

PS:

Alexander Solzenicyn’s story is here from Wikipedia and we best remember him now more than ever.

Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
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This name uses Eastern Slavic naming customs; the patronymic is Isayevich and the family name is Solzhenitsyn.
Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn
Solzhenitsyn in 1974
Solzhenitsyn in 1974
Native name
Александр Исаевич Солженицын
Born Aleksandr Isayevich Solzhenitsyn
11 December 1918
Kislovodsk, Russian SFSR
Died 3 August 2008 (aged 89)
Moscow, Russia
Occupation
Novelistessayist
Citizenship
Soviet Russia (1918–22)
Soviet Union (1922–74)
Stateless (1974–90)[1]
Soviet Union (1990–91)
Russia (1991–2008)
Alma mater Rostov State University
Notable works
One Day in the Life of Ivan Denisovich (1962)
Cancer Ward (1966)
In the First Circle (1968)
The Red Wheel (1971–91)
The Gulag Archipelago (1973)
Two Hundred Years Together (2001–02)
Notable awards
Nobel Prize in Literature (1970)
Templeton Prize (1983)
Lomonosov Gold Medal (1998)
State Prize of the Russian Federation (2007)
International Botev Prize (2008)
Spouses
Natalia Alekseyevna Reshetovskaya (m. 1940; div. 1952; m. 1957; div. 1972)
Natalia Dmitrievna Svetlova (m. 1973)
Children
Yermolai SolzhenitsynIgnat SolzhenitsynStepan Solzhenitsyn
Website
solzhenitsyn.ru
Aleksandr Isayevich Solzhenitsyn[a][b] (11 December 1918 – 3 August 2008)[6][7] was a Russian novelist, philosopher, historian, short story writer and political prisoner. Solzhenitsyn was an outspoken critic of the Soviet Union and Communism and helped to raise global awareness of its Gulag labor camp system.

After serving in the Soviet Army during World War II, he was sentenced to spend eight years in a labour camp and then internal exile for criticizing Josef Stalin in a private letter. He was allowed to publish only one work in the Soviet Union, the novel One Day in the Life of Ivan Denisovich (1962). Although the reforms brought by Nikita Khrushchev freed him from exile in 1956, the publication of Cancer Ward (1968), August 1914 (1971), and The Gulag Archipelago (1973) beyond the Soviet Union angered authorities, and Solzhenitsyn lost his Soviet citizenship in 1974. He was flown to West Germany, and in 1976 he moved with his family to the United States, where he continued to write. With the dissolution of the Soviet Union, his citizenship was restored in 1990, and four years later he returned to Russia, where he remained until his death in 2008.

He was awarded the 1970 Nobel Prize in Literature “for the ethical force with which he has pursued the indispensable traditions of Russian literature”.[8] His The Gulag Archipelago was a highly influential work that “amounted to a head-on challenge to the Soviet state”[9] and sold tens of millions of copies.

Contents
1 Biography
1.1 Early years
1.2 World War II
1.3 Imprisonment
1.4 Marriages and children
1.5 After prison
1.6 Later years in the Soviet Union
1.7 Expulsion from the Soviet Union
1.8 In the West
1.9 Return to Russia
1.10 Death
2 Views on history and politics
2.1 “Men have forgotten God”
2.2 On Russia and the Jews
2.3 On post-Soviet Russia
2.4 Criticism of the West
2.5 Criticism of Communism and pan-Slavism
2.6 The Holodomor
3 Legacy
3.1 In popular media
3.1.1 Television documentaries on Solzhenitsyn
4 Published works and speeches
5 Notes
6 References
7 Sources
8 Further reading
8.1 Biographies
8.2 Reference works
9 External links
Biography[edit source]
Early years[edit source]
Solzhenitsyn was born in Kislovodsk, RSFSR (now in Stavropol Krai, Russia). His mother, Taisiya Zakharovna (née Shcherbak), was of Ukrainian descent.[10][11] Her father had risen from humble beginnings to become a wealthy landowner, acquiring a large estate in the Kuban region in the northern foothills of the Caucasus.[12] During World War I, Taisiya went to Moscow to study. While there she met and married Isaakiy Semyonovich Solzhenitsyn, a young officer in the Imperial Russian Army of Cossack origin and fellow native of the Caucasus region. The family background of his parents is vividly brought to life in the opening chapters of August 1914, and in the later Red Wheel novels.[13]

In 1918, Taisiya became pregnant with Aleksandr. On 15 June, shortly after her pregnancy was confirmed, Isaakiy was killed in a hunting accident. Aleksandr was raised by his widowed mother and his aunt in lowly circumstances. His earliest years coincided with the Russian Civil War. By 1930 the family property had been turned into a collective farm. Later, Solzhenitsyn recalled that his mother had fought for survival and that they had to keep his father’s background in the old Imperial Army a secret. His educated mother (who never remarried) encouraged his literary and scientific learnings and raised him in the Russian Orthodox faith;[14][15] she died in 1944.[16]

As early as 1936, Solzhenitsyn began developing the characters and concepts for a planned epic work on World War I and the Russian Revolution. This eventually led to the novel August 1914; some of the chapters he wrote then still survive.[citation needed] Solzhenitsyn studied mathematics and physics at Rostov State University. At the same time he took correspondence courses from the Moscow Institute of Philosophy, Literature and History, at this time heavily ideological in scope. As he himself makes clear, he did not question the state ideology or the superiority of the Soviet Union until he spent time in the camps.[17]

World War II[edit source]

Solzhenitsyn as an officer in the Red Army in 1943
During the war, Solzhenitsyn served as the commander of a sound-ranging battery in the Red Army,[18] was involved in major action at the front, and was twice decorated. He was awarded the Order of the Red Star on 8 July 1944 for sound-ranging two German artillery batteries and adjusting counterbattery fire onto them, resulting in their destruction.[19]

A series of writings published late in his life, including the early uncompleted novel Love the Revolution!, chronicle his wartime experience and growing doubts about the moral foundations of the Soviet regime.[20]

While serving as an artillery officer in East Prussia, Solzhenitsyn witnessed war crimes against local German civilians by Soviet military personnel. Of the atrocities, Solzhenitsyn wrote: “You know very well that we’ve come to Germany to take our revenge” for Nazi atrocities committed in the Soviet Union.[21] The noncombatants and the elderly were robbed of their meager possessions and women and girls were gang-raped. A few years later, in the forced labor camp, he memorized a poem titled “Prussian Nights” about a woman raped to death in East Prussia. In this poem, which describes the gang-rape of a Polish woman whom the Red Army soldiers mistakenly thought to be a German,[22] the first-person narrator comments on the events with sarcasm and refers to the responsibility of official Soviet writers like Ilya Ehrenburg.

In The Gulag Archipelago, Solzhenitsyn wrote, “There is nothing that so assists the awakening of omniscience within us as insistent thoughts about one’s own transgressions, errors, mistakes. After the difficult cycles of such ponderings over many years, whenever I mentioned the heartlessness of our highest-ranking bureaucrats, the cruelty of our executioners, I remember myself in my Captain’s shoulder boards and the forward march of my battery through East Prussia, enshrouded in fire, and I say: ‘So were we any better?'”[23]

Imprisonment[edit source]
In February 1945, while serving in East Prussia, Solzhenitsyn was arrested by SMERSH for writing derogatory comments in private letters to a friend, Nikolai Vitkevich,[24] about the conduct of the war by Joseph Stalin, whom he called “Khozyain” (“the boss”), and “Balabos” (Yiddish rendering of Hebrew baal ha-bayit for “master of the house”).[25] He also had talks with the same friend about the need for a new organisation to replace the Soviet regime.[26][clarification needed]

He was accused of anti-Soviet propaganda under Article 58 paragraph 10 of the Soviet criminal code, and of “founding a hostile organization” under paragraph 11.[27][28] Solzhenitsyn was taken to the Lubyanka prison in Moscow, where he was interrogated. On 9 May 1945, it was announced that Germany had surrendered and all of Moscow broke out in celebrations with fireworks and searchlights illuminating the sky to celebrate the victory in the Great Patriotic War. From his cell in the Lubyanka, Solzhenitsyn remembered: “Above the muzzle of our window, and from all the other cells of the Lubyanka, and from all the windows of the Moscow prisons, we too, former prisoners of war and former front-line soldiers, watched the Moscow heavens, patterned with fireworks and crisscrossed with beams of searchlights. There was no rejoicing in our cells and no hugs and no kisses for us. That victory was not ours”.[29] On 7 July 1945, he was sentenced in his absence by Special Council of the NKVD to an eight-year term in a labour camp. This was the normal sentence for most crimes under Article 58 at the time.[30]

The first part of Solzhenitsyn’s sentence was served in several work camps; the “middle phase”, as he later referred to it, was spent in a sharashka (a special scientific research facility run by Ministry of State Security), where he met Lev Kopelev, upon whom he based the character of Lev Rubin in his book The First Circle, published in a self-censored or “distorted” version in the West in 1968 (an English translation of the full version was eventually published by Harper Perennial in October 2009).[31] In 1950, he was sent to a “Special Camp” for political prisoners. During his imprisonment at the camp in the town of Ekibastuz in Kazakhstan, he worked as a miner, bricklayer, and foundry foreman. His experiences at Ekibastuz formed the basis for the book One Day in the Life of Ivan Denisovich. One of his fellow political prisoners, Ion Moraru, remembers that Solzhenitsyn spent some of his time at Ekibastuz writing.[32] While there Solzhenitsyn had a tumor removed. His cancer was not diagnosed at the time.

In March 1953, after his sentence ended, Solzhenitsyn was sent to internal exile for life at Birlik,[33] a village in Baidibek district of South Kazakhstan region of Kazakhstan (Kok-terek rural district).[34] His undiagnosed cancer spread until, by the end of the year, he was close to death. In 1954, he was permitted to be treated in a hospital in Tashkent, where his tumor went into remission. His experiences there became the basis of his novel Cancer Ward and also found an echo in the short story “The Right Hand”. It was during this decade of imprisonment and exile that Solzhenitsyn abandoned Marxism and developed the philosophical and religious positions of his later life, gradually becoming a philosophically-minded Eastern Orthodox Christian as a result of his experience in prison and the camps.[35][36][37] He repented for some of his actions as a Red Army captain, and in prison compared himself to the perpetrators of the Gulag. His transformation is described at some length in the fourth part of The Gulag Archipelago (“The Soul and Barbed Wire”). The narrative poem The Trail (written without benefit of pen or paper in prison and camps between 1947 and 1952) and the 28 poems composed in prison, forced-labour camp, and exile also provide crucial material for understanding Solzhenitsyn’s intellectual and spiritual odyssey during this period. These “early” works, largely unknown in the West, were published for the first time in Russian in 1999 and excerpted in English in 2006.[38][39]

Marriages and children[edit source]
On 7 April 1940, while at the university, Solzhenitsyn married Natalia Alekseevna Reshetovskaya.[40] They had just over a year of married life before he went into the army, then to the Gulag. They divorced in 1952, a year before his release, because wives of Gulag prisoners faced loss of work or residence permits. After the end of his internal exile, they remarried in 1957,[41] divorcing a second time in 1972.

The following year Solzhenitsyn married his second wife, Natalia Dmitrievna Svetlova, a mathematician who had a son from a brief prior marriage.[42] He and Svetlova (born 1939) had three sons: Yermolai (1970), Ignat (1972), and Stepan (1973).[43] Solzhenitsyn’s adopted son Dmitri Turin died on 18 March 1994, aged 32, at his home in New York City.[44]

After prison[edit source]
After Khrushchev’s Secret Speech in 1956, Solzhenitsyn was freed from exile and exonerated. Following his return from exile, Solzhenitsyn was, while teaching at a secondary school during the day, spending his nights secretly engaged in writing. In his Nobel Prize acceptance speech he wrote that “during all the years until 1961, not only was I convinced I should never see a single line of mine in print in my lifetime, but, also, I scarcely dared allow any of my close acquaintances to read anything I had written because I feared this would become known.”[45]

In 1960, aged 42, he approached Aleksandr Tvardovsky, a poet and the chief editor of the Novy Mir magazine, with the manuscript of One Day in the Life of Ivan Denisovich. It was published in edited form in 1962, with the explicit approval of Nikita Khrushchev, who defended it at the presidium of the Politburo hearing on whether to allow its publication, and added: “There’s a Stalinist in each of you; there’s even a Stalinist in me. We must root out this evil.”[46] The book quickly sold out and became an instant hit.[citation needed] In the 1960s, while he was publicly known to be writing Cancer Ward, he was simultaneously writing The Gulag Archipelago. During Khrushchev’s tenure, One Day in the Life of Ivan Denisovich was studied in schools in the Soviet Union, as were three more short works of Solzhenitsyn’s, including his short story “Matryona’s Home”, published in 1963. These would be the last of his works published in the Soviet Union until 1990.

One Day in the Life of Ivan Denisovich brought the Soviet system of prison labour to the attention of the West. It caused as much of a sensation in the Soviet Union as it did in the West—not only by its striking realism and candor, but also because it was the first major piece of Soviet literature since the 1920s on a politically charged theme, written by a non-party member, indeed a man who had been to Siberia for “libelous speech” about the leaders, and yet its publication had been officially permitted. In this sense, the publication of Solzhenitsyn’s story was an almost unheard of instance of free, unrestrained discussion of politics through literature. Most Soviet readers realized this, but after Khrushchev had been ousted from power in 1964, the time for such raw exposing works came to an end.[citation needed]

Later years in the Soviet Union[edit source]
Every time when we speak about Solzhenitsyn as the enemy of the Soviet regime, this just happens to coincide with some important [international] events and we postpone the decision.
Andrei Kirilenko, a Politburo member.

Solzhenitsyn made an unsuccessful attempt, with the help of Tvardovsky, to have his novel Cancer Ward legally published in the Soviet Union. This required the approval of the Union of Writers. Though some there appreciated it, the work was ultimately denied publication unless it was to be revised and cleaned of suspect statements and anti-Soviet insinuations.[47]

After Khrushchev’s removal in 1964, the cultural climate again became more repressive. Publishing of Solzhenitsyn’s work quickly stopped; as a writer, he became a non-person, and, by 1965, the KGB had seized some of his papers, including the manuscript of The First Circle. Meanwhile, Solzhenitsyn continued to secretly and feverishly work upon the most well-known of all his writings, The Gulag Archipelago. The seizing of his novel manuscript first made him desperate and frightened, but gradually he realized that it had set him free from the pretenses and trappings of being an “officially acclaimed” writer, something which had come close to second nature, but which was becoming increasingly irrelevant.

After the KGB had confiscated Solzhenitsyn’s materials in Moscow, during 1965–67, the preparatory drafts of The Gulag Archipelago were turned into finished typescript in hiding at his friends’ homes in Estonia. Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn had befriended Arnold Susi, a lawyer and former Estonian Minister of Education in a Lubyanka Prison cell. After completion, Solzhenitsyn’s original handwritten script was kept hidden from the KGB in Estonia by Arnold Susi’s daughter Heli Susi until the collapse of the Soviet Union.[48][49]

In 1969, Solzhenitsyn was expelled from the Union of Writers. In 1970, he was awarded the Nobel Prize in Literature. He could not receive the prize personally in Stockholm at that time, since he was afraid he would not be let back into the Soviet Union. Instead, it was suggested he should receive the prize in a special ceremony at the Swedish embassy in Moscow. The Swedish government refused to accept this solution because such a ceremony and the ensuing media coverage might upset the Soviet Union and damage Swedish-Soviet relations. Instead, Solzhenitsyn received his prize at the 1974 ceremony after he had been expelled from the Soviet Union.

The Gulag Archipelago was composed from 1958 to 1967. It was a three-volume, seven-part work on the Soviet prison camp system. The book drew from Solzhenitsyn’s experiences and the testimony of 256[50] former prisoners and Solzhenitsyn’s own research into the history of the Russian penal system. It discusses the system’s origins from the founding of the Communist regime, with Vladimir Lenin having responsibility, detailing interrogation procedures, prisoner transports, prison camp culture, prisoner uprisings and revolts, and the practice of internal exile. According to Gulag historian Anne Applebaum, The Gulag Archipelago’s rich and varied authorial voice, its unique weaving together of personal testimony, philosophical analysis, and historical investigation, and its unrelenting indictment of communist ideology made it one of the most influential books of the 20th century.[51] The Gulag Archipelago has sold over thirty million copies in thirty-five languages.

Solzhenitsyn (right) and his long-time friend Mstislav Rostropovich (left) at the celebration of Solzhenitsyn’s 80th birthday
On 8 August 1971, the KGB allegedly attempted to assassinate Solzhenitsyn using an unknown chemical agent (most likely ricin) with an experimental gel-based delivery method.[52][53] The attempt left him seriously ill but he survived.[54][55]

Although The Gulag Archipelago was not published in the Soviet Union, it was extensively criticized by the Party-controlled Soviet press. An editorial in Pravda on 14 January 1974 accused Solzhenitsyn of supporting “Hitlerites” and making “excuses for the crimes of the Vlasovites and Bandera gangs.” According to the editorial, Solzhenitsyn was “choking with pathological hatred for the country where he was born and grew up, for the socialist system, and for Soviet people.”[56]

During this period, he was sheltered by the cellist Mstislav Rostropovich, who suffered considerably for his support of Solzhenitsyn and was eventually forced into exile himself.[57]

Expulsion from the Soviet Union[edit source]
In a discussion of its options in dealing with Solzhenitsyn the members of the Politburo considered his arrest and imprisonment and his expulsion to a capitalist country willing to take him.[58] Guided by KGB chief Yury Andropov, and following a statement from West German Chancellor Willy Brandt that Solzhenitsyn could live and work freely in West Germany, it was decided to deport the writer directly to that country.[59]

In the West[edit source]

Solzhenitsyn with Heinrich Böll in Langenbroich [de], West Germany, 1974
On 12 February 1974, Solzhenitsyn was arrested and deported the next day from the Soviet Union to Frankfurt, West Germany and stripped of his Soviet citizenship.[60] The KGB had found the manuscript for the first part of The Gulag Archipelago. US military attaché William Odom managed to smuggle out a large portion of Solzhenitsyn’s archive, including the author’s membership card for the Writers’ Union and his Second World War military citations. Solzhenitsyn paid tribute to Odom’s role in his memoir Invisible Allies (1995).[61]

In West Germany, Solzhenitsyn lived in Heinrich Böll’s house in Langenbroich [de]. He then moved to Zürich, Switzerland before Stanford University invited him to stay in the United States to “facilitate your work, and to accommodate you and your family”. He stayed at the Hoover Tower, part of the Hoover Institution, before moving to Cavendish, Vermont, in 1976. He was given an honorary literary degree from Harvard University in 1978 and on 8 June 1978 he gave a commencement address, condemning, among other things, the press, the lack of spirituality and traditional values, and the anthropocentrism of Western culture.[62]

On 19 September 1974, Yuri Andropov approved a large-scale operation to discredit Solzhenitsyn and his family and cut his communications with Soviet dissidents. The plan was jointly approved by Vladimir Kryuchkov, Philipp Bobkov, and Grigorenko (heads of First, Second and Fifth KGB Directorates).[63] The residencies in Geneva, London, Paris, Rome and other European cities participated in the operation. Among other active measures, at least three StB agents became translators and secretaries of Solzhenitsyn (one of them translated the poem Prussian Nights), keeping KGB informed regarding all contacts by Solzhenitsyn.[63]

The KGB also sponsored a series of hostile books about Solzhenitsyn, most notably a “memoir published under the name of his first wife, Natalia Reshetovskaya, but probably mostly composed by Service”, according to historian Christopher Andrew.[63] Andropov also gave an order to create “an atmosphere of distrust and suspicion between Pauk[c] and the people around him” by feeding him rumors that everyone in his surrounding was a KGB agent and deceiving him in all possible ways. Among other things, the writer constantly received envelopes with photographs of car accidents, brain surgery and other frightening illustrations. After the KGB harassment in Zürich, Solzhenitsyn settled in Cavendish, Vermont, reduced communications with others and surrounded his property with a barbed wire fence. His influence and moral authority for the West diminished as he became increasingly isolated and critical of Western individualism. KGB and CPSU experts finally concluded that he alienated American listeners by his “reactionary views and intransigent criticism of the US way of life”, so no further active measures would be required.[63]

Over the next 17 years, Solzhenitsyn worked on his dramatized history of the Russian Revolution of 1917, The Red Wheel. By 1992, four “knots” (parts) had been completed and he had also written several shorter works.

Despite spending almost two decades in the United States, Solzhenitsyn did not become fluent in spoken English. He had, however, been reading English-language literature since his teens, encouraged by his mother.[citation needed] More importantly, he resented the idea of becoming a media star and of tempering his ideas or ways of talking in order to suit television. Solzhenitsyn’s warnings about the dangers of Communist aggression and the weakening of the moral fiber of the West were generally well-received in Western conservative circles (e.g. Ford administration staffers Richard Cheney and Donald Rumsfeld advocated on Solzhenitsyn’s behalf for him to speak directly to President Gerald Ford about the Soviet threat),[64] prior to and alongside the tougher foreign policy pursued by US President Ronald Reagan. At the same time, liberals and secularists became increasingly critical of what they perceived as his reactionary preference for Russian nationalism and the Russian Orthodox religion.

Solzhenitsyn also harshly criticised what he saw as the ugliness and spiritual vapidity of the dominant pop culture of the modern West, including television and much of popular music: “…the human soul longs for things higher, warmer, and purer than those offered by today’s mass living habits… by TV stupor and by intolerable music.” Despite his criticism of the “weakness” of the West, Solzhenitsyn always made clear that he admired the political liberty which was one of the enduring strengths of Western democratic societies. In a major speech delivered to the International Academy of Philosophy in Liechtenstein on 14 September 1993, Solzhenitsyn implored the West not to “lose sight of its own values, its historically unique stability of civic life under the rule of law—a hard-won stability which grants independence and space to every private citizen.”[65]

In a series of writings, speeches, and interviews after his return to his native Russia in 1994, Solzhenitsyn spoke about his admiration for the local self-government he had witnessed first hand in Switzerland and New England.[66][67] He “praised ‘the sensible and sure process of grassroots democracy, in which the local population solves most of its problems on its own, not waiting for the decisions of higher authorities.'”[68] Solzhenitsyn’s patriotism was inward-looking. He called for Russia to “renounce all mad fantasies of foreign conquest and begin the peaceful long, long long period of recuperation,” as he put it in a 1979 BBC interview with Janis Sapiets.[69]

Return to Russia[edit source]

Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn looks out from a train, in Vladivostok, summer 1994, before departing on a journey across Russia. Solzhenitsyn returned to Russia after nearly 20 years in exile.
In 1990, his Soviet citizenship was restored, and, in 1994, he returned to Russia with his wife, Natalia, who had become a United States citizen. Their sons stayed behind in the United States (later, his eldest son Yermolai returned to Russia). From then until his death, he lived with his wife in a dacha in Troitse-Lykovo in west Moscow between the dachas once occupied by Soviet leaders Mikhail Suslov and Konstantin Chernenko. A staunch believer in traditional Russian culture, Solzhenitsyn expressed his disillusionment with post-Soviet Russia in works such as Rebuilding Russia, and called for the establishment of a strong presidential republic balanced by vigorous institutions of local self-government. The latter would remain his major political theme.[70] Solzhenitsyn also published eight two-part short stories, a series of contemplative “miniatures” or prose poems, a literary memoir on his years in the West (The Grain Between the Millstones), among many other writings. Once back in Russia Solzhenitsyn hosted a television talk show program.[71] Its eventual format was Solzhenitsyn delivering a 15-minute monologue twice a month; it was discontinued in 1995.[72] Solzhenitsyn became a supporter of Vladimir Putin who said he shared Solzhenitsyn’s critical view towards the Russian Revolution.[73]

All of Solzhenitsyn’s sons became US citizens.[74] One, Ignat, is a pianist and conductor.[75] Yermolai works for the Moscow office of McKinsey & Company, a management consultancy firm, where he is a senior partner.[76]

Death[edit source]

Russian President Dmitry Medvedev and many Russian public figures attended Solzhenitsyn’s funeral ceremony, 6 August 2008
Solzhenitsyn died of heart failure near Moscow on 3 August 2008, at the age of 89.[60][77] A burial service was held at Donskoy Monastery, Moscow, on 6 August 2008.[78] He was buried the same day in the monastery in a spot he had chosen.[79] Russian and world leaders paid tribute to Solzhenitsyn following his death.[80]

Views on history and politics[edit source]
“Men have forgotten God”[edit source]
Regarding atheism, Solzhenitsyn declared:

Over a half century ago, while I was still a child, I recall hearing a number of old people offer the following explanation for the great disasters that had befallen Russia: “Men have forgotten God; that’s why all this has happened.” Since then I have spent well-nigh 50 years working on the history of our revolution; in the process I have read hundreds of books, collected hundreds of personal testimonies, and have already contributed eight volumes of my own toward the effort of clearing away the rubble left by that upheaval. But if I were asked today to formulate as concisely as possible the main cause of the ruinous revolution that swallowed up some 60 million of our people, I could not put it more accurately than to repeat: “Men have forgotten God; that’s why all this has happened.”[81]

On Russia and the Jews[edit source]

Naftaly Frenkel (far right) and head of Gulag Matvei Berman (center) at the White Sea–Baltic Canal works, July 1932
OGPU officer Naftaly Frenkel, whom Solzhenitsyn identified as “a Turkish Jew born in Constantinople”, is represented as having played a major role in the organisation of work in the Gulag. Solzhenitsyn claimed that Frenkel was the “nerve of the Archipelago”.[82] In his 1974 essay “Repentance and Self-Limitation in the Life of Nations”,[83] Solzhenitsyn called for “Russian Gentiles” and Jews alike to take moral responsibility for the “renegades” from both communities who enthusiastically created a Marxist–Leninist police state after the October Revolution. In a 13 November 1985, review of Solzhenitsyn’s novel August 1914 in The New York Times, Jewish American historian Richard Pipes is quoted: “Every culture has its own brand of anti-Semitism. In Solzhenitsyn’s case, it’s not racial. It has nothing to do with blood. He’s certainly not a racist; the question is fundamentally religious and cultural. He bears some resemblance to Fyodor Dostoyevsky, who was a fervent Christian and patriot and a rabid anti-Semite. Solzhenitsyn is unquestionably in the grip of the Russian extreme right’s view of the Revolution, which is that it was the doing of the Jews”.[84][85]

In his 1998 book Russia in Collapse, Solzhenitsyn excoriated the Russian extreme right’s obsession with anti-Semitic and anti-Masonic conspiracy theories.[86]

Jewish Holocaust survivor Elie Wiesel wrote that Solzhenitsyn was “too intelligent, too honest, too courageous, too great a writer” to be an anti-Semite.[87]

In 2001 Solzhenitsyn published a two-volume work on the history of Russian-Jewish relations (Two Hundred Years Together 2001, 2002).[88] The book triggered renewed accusations of anti-Semitism.[89][90][91][92] Similarities between Two Hundred Years Together and an anti-Semitic essay titled “Jews in the USSR and in the Future Russia”, attributed to Solzhenitsyn, has led to inference that he stands behind the anti-Semitic passages. Solzhenitsyn himself claimed that the essay consists of manuscripts stolen from him, and then manipulated, forty years ago.[92][93] According to the historian Semyon Reznik, textological analyses have proven Solzhenitsyn’s authorship.[94]

On post-Soviet Russia[edit source]

Solzhenitsyn with Vladimir Putin
In some of his later political writings, such as Rebuilding Russia (1990) and Russia in Collapse (1998), Solzhenitsyn criticized the oligarchic excesses of the new Russian democracy, while opposing any nostalgia for Soviet Communism. He defended moderate and self-critical patriotism (as opposed to extreme nationalism), urged local self-government to a free Russia, and expressed concerns for the fate of the 25 million ethnic Russians in the “near abroad” of the former Soviet Union.

Solzhenitsyn refused to accept Russia’s highest honor, the Order of St. Andrew, in 1998. Solzhenitsyn later said: “In 1998, it was the country’s low point, with people in misery; … Yeltsin decreed I be honored the highest state order. I replied that I was unable to receive an award from a government that had led Russia into such dire straits.”[95] In a 2003 interview with Joseph Pearce, Solzhenitsyn said: “We are exiting from communism in a most unfortunate and awkward way. It would have been difficult to design a path out of communism worse than the one that has been followed.”[96]

In a 2007 interview with Der Spiegel, Solzhenitsyn expressed disappointment that the “conflation of ‘Soviet’ and ‘Russian’, against which I spoke so often in the 1970s, has not passed away in the West, in the ex-socialist countries, or in the former Soviet republics. The elder political generation in communist countries is not ready for repentance, while the new generation is only too happy to voice grievances and level accusations, with present-day Moscow [as] a convenient target. They behave as if they heroically liberated themselves and lead a new life now, while Moscow has remained communist. Nevertheless, I dare [to] hope that this unhealthy phase will soon be over, that all the peoples who have lived through communism will understand that communism is to blame for the bitter pages of their history.”[95]

On 20 September 2000 Solzhenitsyn met newly elected Russian President Vladimir Putin.[97] In 2008 Solzhenitsyn praised Putin, saying Russia was rediscovering what it meant to be Russian. Solzhenitsyn also praised the Russian president Dmitry Medvedev as a “nice young man” who was capable of taking on the challenges Russia was facing.[98]

Criticism of the West[edit source]
Once in the United States, Solzhenitsyn sharply criticized the West.[99] In his commencement address at Harvard University in 1978,[62] Solzhenitsyn said: “But members of the U.S. antiwar movement wound up being involved in the betrayal of Far Eastern nations, in a genocide and in the suffering today imposed on 30 million people there. Do those convinced pacifists hear the moans coming from there?”[100]

Solzhenitsyn criticized the Allies for not opening a new front against Nazi Germany in the west earlier in World War II. This resulted in Soviet domination and control of the nations of Eastern Europe. Solzhenitsyn claimed the Western democracies apparently cared little about how many died in the East, as long as they could end the war quickly and painlessly for themselves in the West. Delivering the commencement address at Harvard University in 1978, he called the United States spiritually weak and mired in vulgar materialism. Americans, he said, speaking in Russian through a translator, suffered from a “decline in courage” and a “lack of manliness.” Few were willing to die for their ideals, he said. He condemned both the United States government and American society for its “hasty” capitulation in the Vietnam War. He criticized the country’s music as intolerable and attacked its unfettered press, accusing it of violations of privacy. He said that the West erred in measuring other civilizations by its own model. While faulting Soviet society for denying fair legal treatment of people, he also faulted the West for being too legalistic: “A society which is based on the letter of the law and never reaches any higher is taking very scarce advantage of the high level of human possibilities.” Solzhenitsyn also argued that the West erred in “denying [Russian culture’s] autonomous character and therefore never understood it”.[62]

Solzhenitsyn was critical of NATO’s eastward expansion towards Russia’s borders.[101] In 2006, Solzhenitsyn accused NATO of trying to bring Russia under its control; he claimed this was visual because of its “ideological support for the ‘colour revolutions’ and the paradoxical forcing of North Atlantic interests on Central Asia”.[101] In a 2006 interview with Der Spiegel he stated “This was especially painful in the case of Ukraine, a country whose closeness to Russia is defined by literally millions of family ties among our peoples, relatives living on different sides of the national border. At one fell stroke, these families could be torn apart by a new dividing line, the border of a military bloc.”[95]

Solzhenitsyn criticized the 2003 invasion of Iraq and accused the United States of the “occupation” of Kosovo, Afghanistan and Iraq.[102]

Criticism of Communism and pan-Slavism[edit source]

Monument of Alexander Solzhenitsyn in Moscow

A monument dedicated to Solzhenitsyn in Brodnica in Poland
Solzhenitsyn emphasized the significantly more oppressive character of the Soviet totalitarian regime, in comparison to the Russian Empire of the House of Romanov. He asserted that Imperial Russia did not practice any real censorship in the style of the Soviet Glavlit,[103] that political prisoners typically were not forced into labor camps,[104] and that the number of political prisoners and exiles was only one ten-thousandth of those in the Soviet Union. He noted that the Tsar’s secret police, or Okhrana, was only present in the three largest cities, and not at all in the Imperial Russian Army.[citation needed]

A commemorative silver coin of 2 rubles with the image of Alexander Solzhenitsyn
Shortly before his return to Russia, Solzhenitsyn delivered a speech in Les Lucs-sur-Boulogne to commemorate the 200th anniversary of the Vendée Uprising. During his speech, Solzhenitsyn compared Lenin’s Bolsheviks with the Jacobin Party during the French Revolution. He also compared the Vendean rebels with the Russian, Ukrainian, and Cossack peasants who rebelled against the Bolsheviks, saying that both were destroyed mercilessly by revolutionary despotism. However, he commented that, while the French Reign of Terror ended with the toppling of the Jacobins and the execution of Maximilien Robespierre, its Soviet equivalent continued to accelerate until the Khrushchev thaw of the 1950s.[105]

According to Solzhenitsyn, Russians were not the ruling nation in the Soviet Union. He believed that all the traditional culture of all ethnic groups were equally oppressed in favor of an atheism and Marxist–Leninism. Russian culture was even more repressed than any other culture in the Soviet Union, since the regime was more afraid of ethnic uprisings among Russian Christians than among any other ethnicity. Therefore, Solzhenitsyn argued, Russian nationalism and the Orthodox Church should not be regarded as a threat by the West but rather as allies.[106]

In “Rebuilding Russia”, an essay first published in 1990 in Komsomolskaya Pravda Solzhenitsyn urged the Soviet Union to grant independence to all the non-Slav republics, which he claimed were sapping the Russian nation and he called for the creation of a new Slavic state bringing together Russia, Ukraine, Belarus, and parts of Kazakhstan that he considered to be Russified.[10]

According to Daniel J. Mahoney, “if one opens almost any page of Solzhenitsyn’s 1994 essay “The Russian Question” at the End of the Twentieth Century one finds Solzhenitsyn attacking the cruelties and injustice of serfdom, faulting Tsarist authorities for their blindness about the need for political liberty in Russia, and for their wasting of the nation’s strength in unnecessary and counterproductive foreign adventures. Moreover, he attacks Pan-Slavism, the idea that Russia had a mission to unite Slavic peoples and to come to the defense of the Orthodox wherever they were under threat, as a ‘wretched idea’.”[107]

The Holodomor[edit source]
Solzhenitsyn gave a speech to AFL–CIO in Washington, D.C., on 30 June 1975 in which he mentioned how the system created by the Bolsheviks in 1917 caused dozens of problems in the Soviet Union.[108] He described how this system was responsible for the Holodomor: “It was a system which, in time of peace, artificially created a famine, causing 6 million people to die in the Ukraine in 1932 and 1933.” Following this, he stated that “they died on the very edge of Europe. And Europe didn’t even notice it. The world didn’t even notice it—6 million people!”[108] Solzhenitsyn opined on 2 April 2008 in Izvestia that the 1930s famine in the Ukraine was no different from the Russian famine of 1921 as both were caused by the ruthless robbery of peasants by Bolshevik grain procurements.[109] He claimed that the “provocatory shriek about a ‘genocide’ was started in the minds of Ukrainian chauvinists decades later, who are also viciously opposed to ‘Moskals.'” The writer cautioned that the genocidal claim has its chances to be accepted by the West due to the general Western ignorance of Russian and Ukrainian history.[109]

Legacy[edit source]
The Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn Center in Worcester, Massachusetts promotes the author and hosts the official English-language site dedicated to him.[110]

In popular media[edit source]
Solzhenitsyn is the subject of the song “Mother Russia (Renaissance song)” by British Progressive Rock group Renaissance (band).

Solzhenitsyn’s philosophy plays a key role in the 2012 film Cloud Atlas, where a character previously kept ignorant and subservient is illegally educated, and is shown reading and quoting his works.[111]

Television documentaries on Solzhenitsyn[edit source]
In October 1983, French literary journalist Bernard Pivot made an hour-long television interview with Solzhenitsyn at his rural home in Vermont, US. Solzhenitsyn discussed his writing, the evolution of his language and style, his family and his outlook on the future—and stated his wish to return to Russia in his lifetime, not just to see his books eventually printed there.[112][113] Earlier the same year, Solzhenitsyn was interviewed on separate occasions by two British journalists, Bernard Levin and Malcolm Muggeridge.[112]

In 1998, Russian filmmaker Alexander Sokurov made a four-part television documentary, Besedy s Solzhenitsynym (The Dialogues with Solzhenitsyn). The documentary was shot in Solzhenitsyn’s home depicting his everyday life and his reflections on Russian history and literature.[114]

In December 2009, the Russian channel Rossiya K broadcast the French television documentary L’Histoire Secrète de l’Archipel du Goulag (The Secret History of the Gulag Archipelago)[115] made by Jean Crépu and Nicolas Miletitch[116] and translated into Russian under the title Taynaya Istoriya “Arkhipelaga Gulag” (Тайная история “Архипелага ГУЛАГ”). The documentary covers events related to creation and publication of The Gulag Archipelago.[115][117][118]

Published works and speeches[edit source]
Main article: Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn bibliography
Solzhenitsyn, Aleksandr Isaevich. A Storm in the Mountains.
——— (1962). One Day in the Life of Ivan Denisovich (novella).
——— (1963). An Incident at Krechetovka Station (novella).
——— (1963). Matryona’s Place (novella).
——— (1963). For the Good of the Cause (novella).
——— (1968). The First Circle (novel). Henry Carlisle, Olga Carlisle (translators).
——— (1968). Cancer Ward (novel).
——— (1969). The Love-Girl and the Innocent (play). Also known as The Prisoner and the Camp Hooker or The Tenderfoot and the Tart.
——— (1970). “Laureate lecture” (delivered in writing and not actually given as a lecture). Nobel prize. Swedish academy. Retrieved 19 March 2019.
——— (1971). August 1914 (historical novel). The beginning of a history of the birth of the USSR. Centers on the disastrous loss in the Battle of Tannenberg in August 1914, and the ineptitude of the military leadership. Other works, similarly titled, follow the story: see The Red Wheel (overall title).
——— (1973–78). The Gulag Archipelago. Henry Carlisle, Olga Carlisle (tr.). (3 vols.), not a memoir, but a history of the entire process of developing and administering a police state in the Soviet Union.
——— (1951). Prussian Nights (poetry) (published 1974)..
——— (10 December 1974), Nobel Banquet (speech), City Hall, Stockholm.[119]
——— (1974). A Letter to the Soviet leaders. Collins: Harvill Press. ISBN 978-0-06-013913-1.
——— (1975). The Oak and the Calf.
——— (1976). Lenin in Zürich.; separate publication of chapters on Vladimir Lenin, none of them published before this point, from The Red Wheel. The first of them was later incorporated into the 1984 edition of the expanded August 1914 (though it had been written at the same time as the original version of the novel)[120] and the rest in November 1916 and March 1917.
——— (1976). Warning to the West (5 speeches; 3 to the Americans in 1975 and 2 to the British in 1976).
——— (8 June 1978). “Harvard Commencement Address”. Columbia. Retrieved 23 August 2012. (Also here[121] with video)
——— (1980). The Mortal Danger: Misconceptions about Soviet Russia and the Threat to America.
——— (1983). Pluralists (political pamphlet).
——— (1983b). November 1916 (novel). The Red Wheel.
——— (1983c). Victory Celebration.
——— (1983d). Prisoners.
——— (10 May 1983). Godlessness, the First Step to the Gulag (address). London: Templeton Prize.
——— (1984). August 1914 (novel) (much-expanded ed.).
——— (1990). Rebuilding Russia.
——— (1990). March 1917.
——— (c. 1991). April 1917.
——— (1995). The Russian Question.
——— (1997). Invisible Allies. Basic Books. ISBN 978-1-887178-42-6.
——— (1998). Россия в обвале [Russia under Avalanche] (political pamphlet) (in Russian). Yahoo. Archived from the original (Geo cities) on 28 August 2009.
——— (2003). Two Hundred Years Together. on Russian-Jewish relations since 1772, aroused ambiguous public response.[122][123]
——— (2011). Apricot Jam: and Other Stories. Kenneth Lantz, Stephan Solzhenitsyn (tr.). Berkeley, CA: Counterpoint.
Notes[edit source]
^ Often Romanized to Alexandr or Alexander. His father’s given name was Isaakiy, which would normally result in the patronymic Isaakievich; however, the forms Isaakovich and Isayevich both appeared in official documents, the latter becoming the accepted version.
^ UK: /ˌsɒlʒəˈnɪtsɪn/ SOL-zhə-NIT-sin,[2][3][4] US: /ˌsoʊl-, -ˈniːt-/ SOHL-, -⁠NEET-;[3][4][5] Russian: Александр Исаевич Солженицын, IPA: [ɐlʲɪkˈsandr ɪˈsajɪvʲɪtɕ səlʐɨˈnʲitsɨn].
^ KGB gave Solzhenitsyn the code name Pauk, which means “spider” in Russian.
References[edit source]
^ “Solzhenitsyn Flies Home, Vowing Moral Involvement …”, New York Times, 27 May 1994. Retrieved 29 May 2014.
^ “Solzhenitsyn, Alexander”. Lexico UK Dictionary. Oxford University Press. Retrieved 27 August 2019.
^ Jump up to: a b “Solzhenitsyn”. Collins English Dictionary. HarperCollins. Retrieved 27 August 2019.
^ Jump up to: a b “Solzhenitsyn, Alexander”. Longman Dictionary of Contemporary English. Longman. Retrieved 27 August 2019.
^ “Solzhenitsyn”. The American Heritage Dictionary of the English Language (5th ed.). Boston: Houghton Mifflin Harcourt. Retrieved 27 August 2019.
^ “The Nobel Prize in Literature 1970”. NobelPrize.org.
^ Christopher Hitchens (4 August 2008). “Alexander Solzhenitsyn, 1918–2008”. Slate Magazine.
^ “Nobel Prize in Literature 1970”. Nobel Foundation. Retrieved 17 October 2008.
^ Scammell, Michael (11 December 2018). “The Writer Who Destroyed an Empire”. NYT. NYT. In 1973, still in the Soviet Union, he sent abroad his literary and polemical masterpiece, “The Gulag Archipelago.” The nonfiction account exposed the enormous crimes that had led to the wholesale incarceration and slaughter of millions of innocent victims, demonstrating that its dimensions were on a par with the Holocaust. Solzhenitsyn’s gesture amounted to a head-on challenge to the Soviet state, calling its very legitimacy into question and demanding revolutionary change.
^ Jump up to: a b “Solzhenitsyn Leaves Troubled Legacy Across Former Soviet Union”, Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, 6 August 2008
^ Александр Солженицын: человек и архипелаг [Alexander Solzhenitsyn: A man and Archipelago] (in Russian). UA: Segodnya. 4 August 2008. Retrieved 14 February 2010.
^ Scammell, p. 30
^ Scammell, pp. 26–30
^ O’Neil, Patrick M. (2004) Great world writers: 20th century, p. 1400. Marshall Cavendish, ISBN 0-7614-7478-1
^ Scammell, pp. 25–59
^ Scammell, p. 129
^ “Part II, Chapter 4”, The Gulag Archipelago
^ Scammell, p. 119
^ Документ о награде :: Солженицын Александр Исаевич, Орден Красной Звезды [Award document : Solzhenitsyn Aleksandr Isayevich, Order of the Red Star]. pamyat-naroda.ru (in Russian). Retrieved 28 April 2016.
^ Solzhenitsyn, Aleksandr Isaevich (1999), Протеревши глаза: сборник (Proterevshi glaza: sbornik) [Proterevshi eyes: compilation] (in Russian), Moscow: Nash dom; L’Age d’Homme
^ Hartmann, Christian (2013). Operation Barbarossa: Nazi Germany’s War in the East, 1941–1945. OUP Oxford. pp. 127–128. ISBN 978-0191636530.
^ De Zayas, Alfred M. (January 2017). “Review: Prussian Nights”. The Review of Politics. 40 (1): 154–156. JSTOR 1407101.
^ Ericson, p. 266.
^ Ericson (2008) p. 10
^ Moody, p. 6
^ Solzhenitsyn in Confession – SFU’s Summit http://summit.sfu.ca/system/files/iritems1/8379/etd3261.pdf page 26
^ Scammell, pp. 152–54
^ Björkegren, Hans; Eneberg, Kaarina (1973), “Introduction”, Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn: A Biography, Henley-on-Thames: Aiden Ellis, ISBN 978-0-85628-005-4
^ Pearce (2011) p. 87
^ Moody, p. 7
^ Solzhenitsyn, Aleksandr I. (13 October 2009), In the First Circle, Harper Collins, ISBN 978-0-06-147901-4, archived from the original on 22 February 2014, retrieved 14 February 2010
^ Organizatia anti-sovietica “Sabia Dreptatii” [Anti-Soviet organization “Sword of Justice”] (in Romanian), Romanism, archived from the original on 9 August 2011
^ According to 9th MGB order of 27 December 1952 № 9 / 2-41731.
^ Pearce, Joseph (2011). Solzhenitsyn: A Soul in Exile. Ignatius Press. ISBN 9781586174965. they were being exiled “in perpetuity” to the district of Kok-Terek
^ “Part IV”, The Gulag Archipelago
^ Mahoney, Daniel J. (1 September 2008), “Hero of a Dark Century”, National Review, pp. 47–50
^ “Beliefs” in Ericson (2008) pp. 177–205
^ Solzhenitsyn (1999), Протеревши глаза: сборник (Proterevshi glaza: sbornik) [Proterevshi eyes compilation], Moscow: Nash dom—L’age d’Homme
^ Ericson (2009)
^ Terras, Victor (1985), Handbook of Russian Literature, Yale University Press, p. 436, ISBN 978-0-300-04868-1
^ Scammell, p. 366
^ Cook, Bernard A (2001), Europe Since 1945: An Encyclopedia, Taylor & Francis, p. 1161, ISBN 978-0-8153-4058-4
^ Aikman, David. Great Souls: Six Who Changed a Century, pp. 172–73. Lexington Books, 2003, ISBN 0-7391-0438-1
^ “Dmitri Turin”. Orlando Sentinel. 24 March 1994. Retrieved 19 August 2016.
^ “Laureates”. Literature. Nobel prize. 1970. Archived from the original on 4 December 2004. Retrieved 14 February 2010.
^ Benno, Peter (1965), “The Political Aspect”, in Hayward, Max; Crowley, Edward L (eds.), Soviet Literature in the 1960s, London, p. 191
^ The Oak and the Calf
^ Rosenfeld, Alla; Dodge, Norton T (2001). Art of the Baltics: The Struggle for Freedom of Artistic Expression Under the Soviets, 1945–1991. Rutgers University Press. pp. 55, 134. ISBN 978-0-8135-3042-0.
^ Solzhenitsyn, Aleksandr I (1995). “The Estonians”. Invisible Allies. Basic Books. pp. 46–64. ISBN 978-1-887178-42-6.
^ “Ekaterinburg: U-Faktoriia”, The Gulag Archipelago
^ Applebaum, Anne (2007), “Foreword”, The Gulag Archipelago, Perennial Modern Classics, Harper
^ Kalugin, Oleg (1994). The First Directorate. Diane. p. 180. ISBN 978-0-312-11426-8.
^ Carus, Seth (1998). Bioterrorism and Biocrimes (PDF) (Technical report). Federation of American Scientists. p. 84.
^ Vaksberg, Arkadiĭ (2011). Toxic Politics: The Secret History of the Kremlin’s Poison Laboratory—from the Special Cabinet to the Death of Litvinenko. Santa Barbara, Calif: Praeger. pp. 130–131. ISBN 978-0-313-38747-0.
^ Pearce, Joseph (2011). Solzhenitsyn: A Soul in Exile (Rev. and updated ed.). San Francisco: Ignatius Press. p. 57. ISBN 978-1-58617-496-5.
^ Current Digest of the Soviet Press, 26, 1974, p. 2
^ Morrison, S. (1 February 2010). “Rostropovich’s Recollections”. Music and Letters. 91 (1): 83–90. doi:10.1093/ml/gcp066. ISSN 0027-4224.
^ “The Bukovsky Archives, 7 January 1974”. Archived from the original on 4 October 2016. Retrieved 6 July 2016.
^ “The Bukovsky Archives, 7 February 1974, 350 A/ov”. Archived from the original on 4 October 2016. Retrieved 6 July 2016.
^ Jump up to: a b Kaufman, Michael T; Barnard, Anne (4 August 2008). “Solzhenitsyn, Literary Giant Who Defied Soviets, Dies at 89”. The New York Times. p. 1. Retrieved 11 February 2013.
^ Patterson, Michael Robert. “William Eldridge Odom, Lieutenant General, United States Army”. Arlington cemetery.net. Retrieved 14 February 2010.
^ Jump up to: a b c A World Split Apart, Harvard Class Day Exercises, 8 June 1978, archived from the original on 8 June 2003
^ Jump up to: a b c d Andrew, Christopher; Mitrokhin, Vasili (2000), The Mitrokhin Archive: The KGB in Europe and the West, Gardners Books, pp. 416–19, ISBN 978-0-14-028487-4
^ Mann, James; Mann, Jim (2004). Rise of the Vulcans: The History of Bush’s War Cabinet. Penguin. pp. 64–66. ISBN 978-0-14-303489-6.
^ Ericson (2009) p. 599
^ “Russia in Collapse” in Ericson (2009) pp. 480–1
^ “The Cavendish Farewell” in Ericson (2009) pp. 606–07
^ Kauffman, William ‘Bill’ (19 December 2005), “Free Vermont”, The American Conservative
^ Solzhenitsyn, Aleksandr I (1980), East and West, Perennial Library, New York: Harper, p. 182
^ Solzhenitsyn, Aleksandr Isaevich (1991), Rebuilding Russia, New York: Farrar, Straus & Giroux
^ “Now on Moscow TV, Heeere’s Aleksandr!”. The New York Times. 14 April 1995.
^ “Russian TV Pulls the Plug on Solzhenitsyn’s Biting Talk Show”. latimes.
^ Kriza, Elisa (1 October 2014). Alexander Solzhenitsyn: Cold War Icon, Gulag Author, Russian Nationalist?: A Study of His Western Reception. Columbia University Press. pp. 205–210. ISBN 9783838266893.
^ Jin, Ha (2008) The Writer as Migrant, University of Chicago Press, p. 10, ISBN 0-226-39988-5.
^ “Ignat Solzhenitsyn to Appear With Princeton University Orchestra”. The Trustees of Princeton University. 8 May 2013.
^ “Yermolai Solzhenitzin”. mckinsey.com. Retrieved 11 April 2018.
^ “Alexander Solzhenitsyn dies at 89”. News. BBC. 3 August 2008. Retrieved 3 August 2008.
^ “Russia to pay tribute to Solzhenitsyn”. RIA Novosti. 4 August 2008. Archived from the original on 9 August 2008. Retrieved 5 August 2008.
^ “Solzhenitsyn is buried in Moscow”. News. BBC. 6 August 2008. Archived from the original on 15 January 2009. Retrieved 6 August 2008.
^ “Russia to pay tribute to Solzhenitsyn”. RIA Novosti. Archived from the original on 9 August 2008. Retrieved 6 August 2008.
^ Ericson, Edward E. Jr. (October 1985) “Solzhenitsyn – Voice from the Gulag,” Eternity, pp. 23–24
^ The Journal of Historical Review, Volume 21. Institute for Historical Review, 2002. p. 31.
^ Ericson (2009) pp. 527–55
^ Thomas p. 490
^ Grenier, Richard (13 November 1985). “Solzhenitsyn and anti-Semitism: a new debate”. The New York Times. New York. Retrieved 6 October 2019.
^ Ericson (2009) p. 496.
^ Thomas p. 491
^ Walsh, Nick Paton (25 January 2003), “Solzhenitsyn breaks last taboo of the revolution”, The Guardian, UK
^ Gimpelevich, Zinaida (2 June 2009). “Dimensional Spaces in Alexander Solzhenitsyn’s Two Hundred Years Together”. Canadian Slavonic Papers. Find articles. Archived from the original on 5 August 2010. Retrieved 14 February 2010.
^ “В Островский (V Ostrovsky)” [In Ostrovsky] (in Russian). Berkovich zametki. Retrieved 14 February 2010.
^ Khanan, Vladimir. И в Израиле – с Наклоном [And in Israel – with Naklonom] (in Russian). Sun round. Retrieved 14 February 2010.
^ Jump up to: a b Young, Cathy (May 2004). “Traditional Prejudices: The anti-Semitism of Alexander Solzhenitsyn”. Archived from the original on 18 December 2008. Traditional Prejudices. The anti-Semitism of Alexander Solzhenitsyn Reason Magazine May 2004.
^ Cathy Young: Reply to Daniel J. Mahoney in Reason Magazine, August–September 2004.
^ “Семён Резник: Лебедь Белая И Шесть Пудов Еврейского Жира[Win]”. Vestnik.com. Retrieved 14 February 2010.
^ Jump up to: a b c Solzhenitsyn, Aleksandr I (2007), “I Am Not Afraid of Death”, Der Spiegel (interview) (30)
^ Interview published in St. Austin Review 2 no. 2 (February 2003)
^ Pearce, Joseph (21 August 2018). “Putin and Solzhenitsyn”.
^ Harding, Luke (2 December 2010). “WikiLeaks cables: Solzhenitsyn praise for Vladimir Putin” – via http://www.theguardian.com.
^ Solzhenitsyn Says West Is Failing as Model for World, by By Lee Lescaze 9 June 1978, The Washington Post
^ “The Editorial Notebook The Decline of the West”. 13 June 1978 – via NYTimes.com.
^ Jump up to: a b “Solzhenitsyn warns of Nato plot”, BBC News, 28 April 2006
^ “Solzhenitsyn: a life of dissent”. The Independent. 4 August 2008.
^ “A brief history of censorship in Russia in 19th and 20th century” Beacon for Freedom Archived 16 February 2011 at the Wayback Machine
^ Gentes, Andrew (2005), “Katorga: Penal Labor and Tsarist Siberia” (PDF), in Stolberg, Eva-Maria (ed.), The Siberian Saga: A History of Russia’s Wild East, Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang
^ The Solzhenitsyn Reader: New and Essential Writings 1947–2005, (2008), ISI Books. pp. 602–05.
^ Rowley, David G (1997). “Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn and Russian Nationalism”. Journal of Contemporary History. 32 (3): 321–37. doi:10.1177/002200949703200303. JSTOR 260964.
^ Daniel J. Mahoney (2014), The Other Solzhenitsyn: Telling the Truth about a Misunderstood Writer and Thinker, St. Augustine’s Press. pp. 4–5.
^ Jump up to: a b Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn (30 June 1975). “Solzhenitsyn: The Voice of Freedom”. AFL–CIO. Retrieved 22 June 2016.
^ Jump up to: a b Solzhenitsyn, Alexander (2 April 2008). Поссорить родные народы??. Izvestia (in Russian). Archived from the original on 5 April 2008. Retrieved 27 November 2011.
^ http://www.solzhenitsyncenter.org
^ Brody, Richard (1 November 2012). “Synchronized Banality: Cloud Atlas'”. The New Yorker.
^ Jump up to: a b Pearce, Joseph (2000). Solzhenitsyn: A Soul in Exile. HarperCollins. p. 79. ISBN 9781586174965.
^ Apostrophes: Alexandre Soljenitsyne répond à Bernard Pivot | Archive INA Ina Talk Shows
^ Савельев, Дмитрий (2006). “Узловая элегия”. In Аркус, Л (ed.). Сокуров: Части речи: Сборник [Sokurov: Part of Speech: Collection]. 2. Санкт-Петербург: Сеанс. ISBN 978-5-901586-10-5. Archived from the original on 4 October 2011.
^ Jump up to: a b Тайная история “Архипелага ГУЛАГ”. Премьера фильма [The Secret History of ‘The Gulag Archipelago’. Movie Première] (in Russian). Rossiya K. 12 December 2009. Retrieved 23 June 2013.
^ Nicolaev, Marina (10 October 2009). “Ultimul interviu Aleksandr Soljeniţîn: ‘L’histoire secrète de L’Archipel du Gulag” [Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn’s last interview: ‘The Secret History of the Goulag Archipel]. Poezie (in Romanian). RO. Retrieved 23 August 2011.
^ Тайная история “Архипелага ГУЛАГ” [The Secret History of ‘The Gulag Archipelago’] (in Russian). UR: Yandex. Archived from the original on 7 October 2011. Retrieved 23 August 2012.
^ “Video Secret History: The Gulag Archipelago”. Blinkx. Archived from the original on 5 June 2012. Retrieved 23 August 2012.
^ Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn (10 December 1974). “Banquet Speech”. Nobel prize. Retrieved 23 August 2012.
^ Solzhenitsyn 1976, preface.
^ “Aleksandr Isayevich Solzhenitsyn: A World Split Apart”. Archived from the original on 7 April 2014.
^ “Solzhenitsyn breaks last taboo of the revolution”. The Guardian. London. 25 January 2003.
^ Solzhenitsyn, Aleksandr I (1–7 January 2003), Chukovskaya, Lydia (ed.), “200 Years Together”, Orthodoxy Today (interview)
Sources[edit source]
External video
Presentation by D. M. Thomas on Alexander Solzhenitsyn: A Century in His Life, February 19, 1998, C-SPAN
Ericson, Edward E. Jr.; Klimoff, Alexis (2008). The Soul and Barbed Wire: An Introduction to Solzhenitsyn. ISI books. ISBN 978-1-933859-57-6.
Ericson, Edward E, Jr; Mahoney, Daniel J, eds. (2009). The Solzhenitsyn Reader: New and Essential Writings, 1947–2005. ISI Books.
Kriza, Elisa (2014) Alexander Solzhenitsyn: Cold War Icon, Gulag Author, Russian Nationalist? A Study of the Western Reception of his Literary Writings, Historical Interpretations, and Political Ideas. Stuttgart: Ibidem Press. ISBN 978-3-8382-0589-2
Moody, Christopher (1973). Solzhenitsyn. Edinburgh: Oliver & Boyd. ISBN 978-0-05-002600-7.
Scammell, Michael (1986). Solzhenitsyn: A Biography. London: Paladin. ISBN 978-0-586-08538-7.
Thomas, D.M. (1998). Alexander Solzhenitsyn: A Century in his Life. New York: St. Martin’s Press. ISBN 978-0-312-18036-2.
Further reading[edit source]
Biographies[edit source]
Burg, David; Feifer, George (1972). Solzhenitsyn: A Biography. New York: Stein & Day.
Glottser, Vladimir; Chukovskaia, Elena (1998). Слово пробивает себе дорогу: Сборник статей и документов об А. И. Солженицыне (Slovo probivaet sebe dorogu: Sbornik statei i dokumentov ob A. I. Solzhenitsyne), 1962–1974 [The word finds its way: Collection of articles and documents on AI Solzhenitsyn] (in Russian). Moscow: Russkii put’.
Korotkov, AV; Melchin, SA; Stepanov, AS (1994). Кремлевский самосуд: Секретные документы Политбюро о писателе А. Солженицыне (Kremlevskii samosud: Sekretnye dokumenty Politburo o pisatele A. Solzhenitsyne) [Kremlin lynching: Secret documents of the Politburo of the writer Alexander Solzhenitsyn] (in Russian). Moscow: Rodina.
———; Melchin, SA; Stepanov, AS (1995). Scammell, Michael (ed.). The Solzhenitsyn Files. Catherine A. Fitzpatrick (tr.). Chicago: Edition q.
Labedz, Leopold, ed. (1973). Solzhenitsyn: A Documentary Record. Bloomington: Indiana University.
Ledovskikh, Nikolai (2003). Возвращение в Матренин дом, или Один день’ Александра Исаевича (Vozvrashchenie v Matrenin dom, ili Odin den’ Aleksandra Isaevicha) [Return to Matrenin house, or One Day’ Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn] (in Russian). Riazan’: Poverennyi.
Ostrovsky Alexander (2004). Солженицын: прощание с мифом (Solzhenitsyn: Farewell to the myth) – Moscow: «Yauza», Presscom. ISBN 5-98083-023-5
Pearce, Joseph (2001). Solzhenitsyn: A Soul in Exile. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Books.
Reshetovskaia, Natal’ia Alekseevna (1975). В споре со временем (V spore so vremenem) [In a dispute over time] (in Russian). Moscow: Agentsvo pechati Novosti.
——— (1975). Sanya: My Husband Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn. Elena Ivanoff transl. Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill.
Reference works[edit source]
Askol’dov, Sergei Alekseevich; Struve, Petr Berngardovich; et al. (1918). Из глубины: Сборник статей о русской революции (Iz glubiny: Sbornik statei o russkoi revoliutsii) [From the depths: Collection of articles on the Russian Revolution] (in Russian). Moscow: Russkaia mysl’.
———; Struve, Petr Berngardovich (1986). Woehrlin, William F (ed.). De Profundis [Out of the Depths]. William F. Woehrlin (tr.). Irvine, CA: C Schlacks, Jr.
Barker, Francis (1977). Solzhenitsyn: Politics and Form. New York: Holmes & Meier.
Berdiaev, Nikolai A; Bulgakov, SN; Gershenzon, MO; et al. (1909). Вехи: Сборник статей о русской интеллигенции (Vekhi: Sbornik statei o russkoi intelligentsii) [Milestones: Collection of articles on the Russian intelligentsia] (in Russian). Moscow: Kushnerev.
———; Bulgakov, SN; Gershenzon, MO; et al. (1977). Shragin, Boris; Todd, Albert (eds.). Landmarks: A Collection of Essays on the Russian Intelligentsia. Marian Schwartz transl. New York: Karz Howard.
Bloom, Harold, ed. (2001). Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn, Modern Critical Views. Philadelphia: Chelsea House.
Brown, Edward J (1982), “Solzhenitsyn and the Epic of the Camps”, Russian Literature Since the Revolution, Cambridge, MA: Harvard University, pp. 251–91.
Daprà, Veronika (1991), AI Solzhenitsyn: The Political Writings, Università degli Studi di Venezia; Prof. Vittorio Strada, Dott. Julija Dobrovol’skaja.
Ericson, Edward E jr (1980). Solzhenitsyn: The Moral Vision. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans.
——— (1993). Solzhenitsyn and the Modern World. Washington, DC: Regnery Gateway.
Feuer, Kathryn, ed. (1976). Solzhenitsyn: A Collection of Critical Essays. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall.
Golubkov, MM (1999). Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn. Moscow: MGU.
Klimoff, Alexis (1997). One Day in the Life of Ivan Denisovich: A Critical Companion. Evanston, IL: Northwestern University Press.
Kodjak, Andrej (1978). Alexander Solzhenitsyn. Boston: Twayne.
Krasnov, Vladislav (1979). Solzhenitsyn and Dostoevsky: A Study in the Polyphonic Novel. Athens, GA: University of Georgia Press.
Kopelev, Lev (1983). Ease My Sorrows: A Memoir. Antonina W. Bouis transl. New York: Random House.
Anatoly Livry, « Soljénitsyne et la République régicide », Les Lettres et Les Arts, Cahiers suisses de critique littéraire et artistiques, Association de la revue Les Lettres et les Arts, Suisse, Vicques, 2011, pp. 70–72. http://anatoly-livry.e-monsite.com/medias/files/soljenitsine-livry-1.pdf
Lydon, Michael (2001), “Alexander Solzhenitsyn”, Real Writing: Word Models of the Modern World, New York: Patrick Press, pp. 183–251.
Mahoney, Daniel J (2001), Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn: The Ascent From Ideology, Rowman & Littlefield.
——— (November–December 2002), “Solzhenitsyn on Russia’s ‘Jewish Question”, Society, pp. 104–09.
Mathewson, Rufus W jr (1975), “Solzhenitsyn”, The Positive Hero in Russian Literature, Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, pp. 279–340
McCarthy, Mary (16 September 1972), “The Tolstoy Connection”, Saturday Review, pp. 79–96
“Special Solzhenitsyn issue”, Modern Fiction Studies, 23, Spring 1977.
Nivat, Georges (1980). Soljénitsyne [Solzhenitsyn] (in French). Paris: Seuil.
——— (2009), Le phénomène Soljénitsyne [The Solzhenitsyn phenomenon] (in French), Fayard
Nivat; Aucouturier, Michel, eds. (1971). Soljénitsyne [Solzhenitsyn] (in French). Paris: L’Herne.
Panin, Dimitri (1976). The Notebooks of Sologdin. John Moore transl. New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich.
Pogadaev, Victor A (October–December 2008), “Solzhenitsyn: Tanpa Karyanya Sejarah Abad 20 Tak Terbayangkan” [Solzhenitsyn: Without History of the 20th Century His work Unimaginable], Pentas (in Indonesian), Kuala Lumpur, 3 (4), pp. 60–63.
Pontuso, James F (1990). Solzhenitsyn’s Political Thought. Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press.
——— (2004), Assault on Ideology: Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn’s Political Thought (2nd ed.), Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, ISBN 978-0-7391-0594-8.
Porter, Robert (1997). Solzhenitsyn’s One Day in the Life of Ivan Denisovich. London: Bristol Classical.
Remnick, David (14 February 1994), “The Exile Returns”, New Yorker, pp. 64–83.
Rothberg, Abraham (1971). Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn: The Major Novels. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University.
Shneerson, Mariia (1984). Александр Солженицын: Очерки творчества (Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn: Ocherki tvorchestva) [Alexander Solzhenitsyn: Essays on Art] (in Russian). Frankfurt & Moscow: Posev.
Shturman, Dora (1988). Городу и миру: О публицистике АИ Солженицына (Gorodu i miru: O publitsistike AI Solzhenitsyna) [Urbi et Orbi: About journalism. AI Solzhenitsyn] (in Russian). Paris & New York: Tret’ia volna.
Solzhenitsyn, Aleksandr; et al. (1980). Berman, Ronald (ed.). Solzhenitsyn at Harvard: The Address, Twelve Early Responses, and Six Later Reflections. Washington, DC: Ethics & Public Policy Center.
——— (1975). Dunlop, John B; Haugh, Richard; Klimoff, Alexis (eds.). Critical Essays and Documentary Materials. New York & London: Collier Macmillan.
——— (1985). Dunlop, John B; Haugh, Richard; Nicholson, Michael (eds.). In Exile: Critical Essays and Documentary Materials. Stanford: Hoover Institution.
Toker, Leona (2000), “The Gulag Archipelago and The Gulag Fiction of Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn”, Return from the Archipelago: Narrative of Gulag Survivors, Bloomington: Indiana University Press, pp. 101–21, 188–209
Tolczyk, Dariusz (1999), “A Sliver in the Throat of Power”, See No Evil: Literary Cover-Ups and Discoveries of the Soviet Camp Experience, New Haven, CT & London: Yale University Press, pp. 253–310
Transactions, 29, The Association of Russian-American Scholars in the USA, 1998.
Urmanov, AV (2003). Творчество Александра Солженицына: Учебное пособие (Tvorchestvo Aleksandra Solzhenitsyna: Uchebnoe posobie) [Creativity Alexander Solzhenitsyn: A Tutorial] (in Russian). Moscow: Flinta/Nauka.
Urmanov, AV, ed. (2003), Один деньь Ивана Денисовича АИ Солженицына. Художественный мир. Поэтика. Культурный контекст (Odin den’ Ivana Denisovicha. AI Solzhenitsyna: Khudozhestvennyy mir. Poetika. Kul’turnyy kontekst) [One den of Ivan Denisovich. AI Solzhenitsyn: Art world. Poetics. Cultural context] (in Russian), Blagoveshchensk: BGPU.
Tretyakov, Vitaly (2 May 2006). “Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn: ‘Saving the Nation Is the Utmost Priority for the State'”. The Moscow News. Archived from the original on 27 May 2006.
External links[edit source]
Wikiquote has quotations related to: Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn
Wikimedia Commons has media related to Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn.
(in Russian) Official website
The Nobel Prize in Literature 1970
Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn on Nobelprize.org
Negative Analysis of Alexander Solzhenitsyn by the Stalin Society
Solzhenitsyn, Aleksandr I (1978), A World Split Apart (commencement address to the graduating class), Harvard University: OrthodoxyToday.org, retrieved 9 August 2014.
Vermont Recluse Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn
Der Spiegel interviews Alexander Solzhenitsyn: ‘I Am Not Afraid of Death’, 23 July 2007
As delivered text and video of Harvard Commencement Address at AmericanRhetoric.com
The Solzhenitsyn Reader: New and Essential Writings, 1947–2005
Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn at the Internet Book List